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What The Bible Says Good Samaritan's Penny Pulpit by Pastor Ed Rice
What The Bible Says Good Samaritan's Penny Pulpit by Pastor Ed Rice
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Tri-State Preachers Fellowship (1 of 2) preached by Pastor Tim McCulley, Philadelphia Baptist Church in Calhoun, GA - March meeting of the Tri-State Independent Baptist Preachers Fellowship ...
Tri-State Preachers Fellowship (2 of 2) preached by Pastor Billy Goolesby, Rome Baptist Temple in Rome, GA - March meeting of the Tri-State Independent Baptist Preachers Fellowship ...
The Preeminence of Christ (Independent fundamental baptist preaching) Preaching from the Pulpit of the Salem Baptist Church, Cincinnati, OH Pastor Phillip Blackwell Sunday Morning March 5, 2017 Title: The Preeminence of Christ ...
Matthew 5:5 - Blessed are the Meek - Baptist Preaching - Pastor David Pigott "Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth." - Matthew 5:5 (KJV)
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Are prerequisites of the dominant planting culture depriving Latino planters of the opportunity to use their strengths?As a Latino who has invested most of my ministry life (over 30 years) to church planting, I am deeply grateful to the Send Institute at the Billy Graham Center and Lifeway Research for investing in the much-needed Hispanic Church Planting Research Project and giving us a glimpse into the missional impulse of Latino-led church planting in the U.S.As a New York-born Dominican (Dominican York) committed to seeing gospel movements develop and mature in key influential cities of America, this research confirms what I have been experiencing as a church planting catalyst in New York City. It also challenges some assumptions and practices I see within the “church planting enterprise” in America, mostly governed by criteria and metrics established by the dominant culture.The research highlights two fundamental traits that are a must for church planting initiatives to move beyond surviving and into thriving, especially in highly dense urban contexts: grit (resolve, tenacity) and faith.As the study shows, I believe Christian Latino pastors and planters can write the book on both perseverance under extremely challenging circumstances as well as the need for an uncommon belief and reliance on the supernatural for what is a primarily spiritual endeavor—birthing a church.Most Latino pastors and planters I relate to are bi-vocational, poorly funded (if at all), have limited formal theological education, and are facing threatening socio-political-economic challenges (systemic, generational, and cultural) within their ministry contexts. Yet they keep at it and manage to not only survive, but even to thrive!Recently, I had the privilege of participating in an assessment organized by one of the most significant church planting ...Continue reading...
The sin offering is never said to be a “sweet savour” unto the Lord! As was the whole burnt offering and the meat offering and the peace offering! This must be because the sin offering ESPECIALLY, FUNDAMENTALLY pictures Jesus bearing our sin on the Cross! Sin is NOT sweet smelling to God, rather it “stinks” […]
One commentator I read for this Lesson says that the sin offering is the most important of them all! It introduces to us (as its fundamental emphasis) the idea of atonement. (Other offerings may “whisper” it, but this one “shouts” it!) I have found that many, many times as Israel worshipped God … as she […]
Concerns about religious liberty are one of the chief obstacles to passage of “non-discrimination” laws that would make “sexual orientation” and “gender identity” (“SOGI”) into protected categories at the local, state, and federal level. Only 20 of the 50 states have enacted SOGI protections for both employment and public accommodations, and a comprehensive (and radical) federal bill, the Equality Act (H.R. 5), has stalled in the Senate since its passage in May by the Democrat-controlled House of Representatives.Utah Rep. Ben McAdams, a Democrat who voted for the Equality Act, recently told that state’s Deseret News that he thinks the bill “still needs work”—and he supports a so-called “compromise” called “Fairness for All.” The theory is that both “LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) rights” and “religious liberty” could be protected by enacting a single bill that includes both SOGI protections and religious exemptions.The model for “Fairness for All” proposals at the federal level is the “Utah compromise” that was adopted by that state’s legislature in 2015. It added SOGI protections to the state’s nondiscrimination laws regarding employment and housing (public accommodations were omitted), while creating exemptions for religious non-profit organizations and protections for some employee speech.Unique factors in Utah—notably, the power and influence of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, which endorsed the “compromise”—make it doubtful whether this approach could be replicated elsewhere. LGBT groups at the national level seem determined to press forward the existing Equality Act, which contains no religious liberty protections and explicitly strips away those that might be asserted under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA).Nevertheless, because some may be tempted to believe that such a “compromise” provides a “win-win” solution in the clash between LGBT rights and religious liberty, it is important to reiterate why we believe this would be a serious mistake.First, the fundamental presumption behind “Fairness for All” is that there is a balance or symmetry between “rights” or “protections” for people who identify as LGBT and “rights” or “protections” for people of faith. This is a fallacy. The “free exercise” of religion is guaranteed by the First Amendment, but there is no provision of the Constitution that references sexual orientation or gender identity.The fundamental rights found in the U.S. Constitution—such as freedom of speech and the press and the free exercise of religion—do not place any limits on the actions of private individuals and organizations; on the contrary, they protect such actions against interference by the government. “Civil rights” laws that bar discrimination in employment and public accommodations, however, do not merely limit the government; they place a restriction upon the action of private entities (such as small businesses) in carrying out their private activity.There is a place for non-discrimination laws (especially regarding characteristics that are clearly inborn, involuntary, and immutable, such as race). However, the burden of proof in every case must rest on those who seek to increase the number of categories or characteristics protected under such laws. That’s because the extension of laws against private discrimination is less a “win-win situation” than a “zero-sum” game. When one (such as an employment applicant) wins more protection, another (the employer) actually loses a corresponding measure of freedom.The most publicized cases highlighting the clash between LGBT non-discrimination laws and religious liberty in recent years have involved businesses in the wedding industry that are owned and operated by Christians who prefer not to participate in the celebration of same-sex weddings. (Although one such business, Colorado’s Masterpiece Cakeshop, won an important decision at the U.S. Supreme Court in 2018, the decision was on narrow grounds and did not settle this area of the law.) It is not clear that religious liberty protections in any proposed compromise legislation would protect these businesses.The wedding industry cases are by no means the only context in which this conflict arises, however. There have been cases challenging the right of Christian adoption agencies to decline to place children with same-sex couples; cases where Christian counseling students were punished for declining to affirm and support homosexual relationships; and cases in which Christian employees of government agencies were fired for privately expressing disapproval of homosexual conduct. It is not clear that any of them would be protected by such “Fairness for All” proposals.Further, “gender identity” protections would undermine the rights of organizations and businesses to set dress and grooming standards or have separate private spaces (e.g., in bathrooms, locker rooms, showers, dormitories, etc.) for biological men and women. These rights stand ready to be compromised by “Fairness for All” proposals.Family Research Council believes that combining religious liberty and special privileges for sexual orientation and/or gender identity (SOGI) is unsustainable, for three primary reasons.1) It is wrong, in principle, to include sexual orientation and gender identity as protected categories, because they are unlike historically protected categories such as race. Historically, protections were reserved for characteristics that are inborn, involuntary, immutable, and innocuous, such as race, and/or in the U.S. Constitution (such as religion). None of these criteria apply to the choice to engage in homosexual conduct or the choice to present one’s self as the opposite of one’s biological sex.2) There is no religious exemption that would be acceptable to LGBT activists and would also be adequate to fully protect against all the likely threats to religious freedom.3) Non-discrimination laws always implicate moral beliefs. They send the message that it is morally wrong to disapprove of homosexual or transgender conduct. For such laws to be endorsed by citizens who believe that it is morally wrong to engage in homosexual or transgender conduct is a logical contradiction.What would truly reflect “Fairness for All” would be to reject SOGI laws containing special privileges, and allow real religious liberty—the freedom to hold to one’s personal beliefs and to act on them without government interference or coercion.
By Larken Rose Political parasites are constantly finding new ways to violate individual rights, but sometimes they do something so fundamentally evil that people should...
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